January 23, 1951
I HAVE today established a Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights. The Commission will be composed of nine members. Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz will serve as Chairman.
The Commission will consider in all its aspects the question of how this Nation can best deal with the problem of protecting its internal security and at the same time maintaining the freedoms of its citizens. It will consider the harm that comes from the wrong kind of action as well as the good that comes from the right kind of action.
The Commission will make a thorough examination of the laws, practices, and procedures concerning the protection of our Nation against treason, espionage, sabotage, and other subversive activities, and of the operation of and any need for changes in such laws, practices, and procedures. The Commission will also consider the methods used by public or private groups for the purpose of protecting us against such activities. It will consider these matters from the standpoint of protecting both the internal security of our country and the rights of individuals, and will seek the wisest balance that can be struck between security and freedom. The Commission will report its conclusions and recommendations for legislative, administrative, or other action it deems appropriate.
I consider the task of this Commission to be of extraordinary importance. The world is in the midst of a struggle between freedom and tyranny. The United States is one of the leaders of the free world not just because we are powerful in material things, but because we have preserved and expanded the freedom of our people. We have built our society in the faith and in the practice of freedom--freedom of worship, freedom of speech, freedom of association and political belief.
We in this country have always been ready to protect our freedom--to protect it against external or internal enemies and to protect it against unwarranted restrictions by government. From time to time in our history, we have faced the need to protect our freedom from these different kinds of encroachment. Each of these occasions has presented our Nation with new and often conflicting considerations. To reconcile these considerations, and to find the proper national policy, is always difficult, and is especially so at times, like the present, when our freedom is severely threatened abroad and at home.
Today, we are particularly concerned by the threat to our Government and our national life arising from the activities of the forces of Communist imperialism. In addition to the vigorous action we are taking abroad to meet this threat, we must be sure that our laws and procedures at home are adequate to protect our system of government against unconstitutional attacks and to preserve our national security against treason, espionage, sabotage, and other subversive acts designed to weaken or overthrow our Government. At the same time, we are concerned lest the measures taken to protect us from these dangers infringe the liberties guaranteed by our Constitution and stifle the atmosphere of freedom in which we have so long expressed our thoughts and carried on our daily affairs.
These are problems of momentous importance for our country and its future, and for the future of our leadership in the world. They should be approached in a serious and fair-minded way by all our citizens. We must not let our differences about how to solve these problems degenerate into partisan controversies. We must continue to protect our security within the framework of our historic liberties, without thought of partisan advantage or political gain.
To keep these great problems from falling into the arena of partisanship, I am appointing this Commission of distinguished citizens on a nonpartisan basis. I believe the people of this country will receive from them an authoritative judgment on these problems, based on the facts and formulated in the national interest, with no question of political advantage.
The Commission will undoubtedly wish to focus its primary attention on Federal laws and procedures. But I do not believe the Commission should limit itself to reviewing Government actions. Instead, I hope it will consider afresh, in all its present-day ramifications, the recurrent question of how a free people protect their society from subversive attack without at the same time destroying their own liberties.
This question is, of course, far broader than the activities of the Federal Government. It concerns State and local governments as well, private groups of all kinds, and citizens in their daily work and in their homes. I hope that the report of this Commission will provide guidelines of sufficiently wide application to be helpful in protecting both internal security and individual rights in every part of our national life.
The field of study for this Commission is very complex and far-reaching. Much study will be necessary before a report can be drafted. I am giving instructions that the Commission shall have complete freedom to conduct its study as it sees fit. I am asking the Commission to make such interim reports as it may deem desirable, and I hope the Commission will find it possible to complete its work in a year.
One of the important matters for the Commission to consider is the operation of the Government employee loyalty and security programs. I wish to make it clear, however, that this Commission is not being established as an appeals tribunal for individual cases. The Commission will be expected to report on the effectiveness and fairness of the Government's loyalty and security programs. In doing this, the Commission may wish to inspect individual case flies--and it will be authorized to do so to whatever extent it may determine to be necessary.
In connection with loyalty and security procedures, and also in considering the operation of such statutes as the Internal Security Act of 1950, the Commission will necessarily be reviewing information of very high security classifications. I am directing the Commission therefore, to take appropriate measures to safeguard the security of any classified or confidential information it may wish to examine.
I intend to do everything I can to enable this Commission to make a thorough and careful study.
We in the United States have a special responsibility for leadership in these critical times, when free men the world over are strongly resisting the challenge of the Communist drive for world domination. We must guard our freedom well--guard it from armed assault, guard it from subversive infiltration, guard it from internal suppression and the deadly imposition of conformity. For the kind of freedom we have enjoyed in this country has been the shining goal for millions in other lands--and the results of freedom in this country have been the shattering reply to the false claims of Communist imperialism.
If we are to continue growing in strength here at home--if we are to continue leading the world toward peace with freedom and justice--we must both protect the security of our Nation and safeguard the freedom of our people.
I know the Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights will undertake its work in full recognition of the immense importance and worldwide significance of its task.
NOTE: The Commission was established by Executive Order 10207, "Establishing the President's Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights" (3 CFR, 1949-1953 Comp., p. 389).
See also Items 22 [2], 35, 104, 278.
I HAVE today established a Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights. The Commission will be composed of nine members. Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz will serve as Chairman.
The Commission will consider in all its aspects the question of how this Nation can best deal with the problem of protecting its internal security and at the same time maintaining the freedoms of its citizens. It will consider the harm that comes from the wrong kind of action as well as the good that comes from the right kind of action.
The Commission will make a thorough examination of the laws, practices, and procedures concerning the protection of our Nation against treason, espionage, sabotage, and other subversive activities, and of the operation of and any need for changes in such laws, practices, and procedures. The Commission will also consider the methods used by public or private groups for the purpose of protecting us against such activities. It will consider these matters from the standpoint of protecting both the internal security of our country and the rights of individuals, and will seek the wisest balance that can be struck between security and freedom. The Commission will report its conclusions and recommendations for legislative, administrative, or other action it deems appropriate.
I consider the task of this Commission to be of extraordinary importance. The world is in the midst of a struggle between freedom and tyranny. The United States is one of the leaders of the free world not just because we are powerful in material things, but because we have preserved and expanded the freedom of our people. We have built our society in the faith and in the practice of freedom--freedom of worship, freedom of speech, freedom of association and political belief.
We in this country have always been ready to protect our freedom--to protect it against external or internal enemies and to protect it against unwarranted restrictions by government. From time to time in our history, we have faced the need to protect our freedom from these different kinds of encroachment. Each of these occasions has presented our Nation with new and often conflicting considerations. To reconcile these considerations, and to find the proper national policy, is always difficult, and is especially so at times, like the present, when our freedom is severely threatened abroad and at home.
Today, we are particularly concerned by the threat to our Government and our national life arising from the activities of the forces of Communist imperialism. In addition to the vigorous action we are taking abroad to meet this threat, we must be sure that our laws and procedures at home are adequate to protect our system of government against unconstitutional attacks and to preserve our national security against treason, espionage, sabotage, and other subversive acts designed to weaken or overthrow our Government. At the same time, we are concerned lest the measures taken to protect us from these dangers infringe the liberties guaranteed by our Constitution and stifle the atmosphere of freedom in which we have so long expressed our thoughts and carried on our daily affairs.
These are problems of momentous importance for our country and its future, and for the future of our leadership in the world. They should be approached in a serious and fair-minded way by all our citizens. We must not let our differences about how to solve these problems degenerate into partisan controversies. We must continue to protect our security within the framework of our historic liberties, without thought of partisan advantage or political gain.
To keep these great problems from falling into the arena of partisanship, I am appointing this Commission of distinguished citizens on a nonpartisan basis. I believe the people of this country will receive from them an authoritative judgment on these problems, based on the facts and formulated in the national interest, with no question of political advantage.
The Commission will undoubtedly wish to focus its primary attention on Federal laws and procedures. But I do not believe the Commission should limit itself to reviewing Government actions. Instead, I hope it will consider afresh, in all its present-day ramifications, the recurrent question of how a free people protect their society from subversive attack without at the same time destroying their own liberties.
This question is, of course, far broader than the activities of the Federal Government. It concerns State and local governments as well, private groups of all kinds, and citizens in their daily work and in their homes. I hope that the report of this Commission will provide guidelines of sufficiently wide application to be helpful in protecting both internal security and individual rights in every part of our national life.
The field of study for this Commission is very complex and far-reaching. Much study will be necessary before a report can be drafted. I am giving instructions that the Commission shall have complete freedom to conduct its study as it sees fit. I am asking the Commission to make such interim reports as it may deem desirable, and I hope the Commission will find it possible to complete its work in a year.
One of the important matters for the Commission to consider is the operation of the Government employee loyalty and security programs. I wish to make it clear, however, that this Commission is not being established as an appeals tribunal for individual cases. The Commission will be expected to report on the effectiveness and fairness of the Government's loyalty and security programs. In doing this, the Commission may wish to inspect individual case flies--and it will be authorized to do so to whatever extent it may determine to be necessary.
In connection with loyalty and security procedures, and also in considering the operation of such statutes as the Internal Security Act of 1950, the Commission will necessarily be reviewing information of very high security classifications. I am directing the Commission therefore, to take appropriate measures to safeguard the security of any classified or confidential information it may wish to examine.
I intend to do everything I can to enable this Commission to make a thorough and careful study.
We in the United States have a special responsibility for leadership in these critical times, when free men the world over are strongly resisting the challenge of the Communist drive for world domination. We must guard our freedom well--guard it from armed assault, guard it from subversive infiltration, guard it from internal suppression and the deadly imposition of conformity. For the kind of freedom we have enjoyed in this country has been the shining goal for millions in other lands--and the results of freedom in this country have been the shattering reply to the false claims of Communist imperialism.
If we are to continue growing in strength here at home--if we are to continue leading the world toward peace with freedom and justice--we must both protect the security of our Nation and safeguard the freedom of our people.
I know the Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights will undertake its work in full recognition of the immense importance and worldwide significance of its task.
NOTE: The Commission was established by Executive Order 10207, "Establishing the President's Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights" (3 CFR, 1949-1953 Comp., p. 389).
See also Items 22 [2], 35, 104, 278.